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社会学Assignment代写 Marriage is the most significant framework and event for the continuous existence of humankind and society. The marriage..
Introduction 社会学Assignment代写
Marriage is the most significant framework and event for the continuous existence of humankind and society. The marriage framework's continuous evolution has created novel and ancient marriage customs in several ethnic groups from the general human development context. As a sign of social civilisation, marriage entails significant folk custom aspects.
Notably, the Uyghur wedding has its ancient customs. It has now turned into a common custom with the globally applicable set of patterns of a chain of stages. These aspects are measured in quantity, and the lack or disruption of any of them does not abide by society's concepts. The aspects are fixed, and no single person in the society can alter them.经济代写
There exist some variations in the Uyghur wedding ceremony customs in Xianjiang. However, all customs have something in common: "proposing a marriage, sending betrothal gifts, escorting the bride to the wedding ceremony and ceremonies" are crucial to Uyghur weddings (Abudouriyimu and Tuxunayi 2018, p. 1043).
介绍
婚姻是人类和社会持续存在的最重要的框架和事件。婚姻制度的不断发展，从人类发展的总体角度出发，已经在几个种族中创造了新颖而古老的婚姻习俗。作为社会文明的标志，婚姻牵涉到许多重要的民间习俗。 值得注意的是，维吾尔族的婚礼有其古老的习俗。现在，它已成为具有全球适用性的阶段链模式集合的通用习俗。这些方面是按数量衡量的，任何方面的缺乏或破坏都没有遵守社会的观念。这些方面是固定的，社会上没有一个人可以改变它们。 仙江维吾尔族婚礼仪式习俗存在一些差异。但是，所有习俗都有一个共同点：``求婚，送订婚礼物，陪伴新娘参加婚礼和仪式''对于维吾尔族的婚礼至关重要（Abudouriyimu and Tuxunayi 2018，p.1043）。
continuity of the society, and development (Wufuer 2019, p. 173). Put differently, the blending of men and women and the social framework of a specific area is the interaction between ancient culture and morality. Wufuer (2019, p. 173) provides that ancient writing by Yusuf Khas indicated that, "if you want to get married,
be very careful and find a good girl. If you are going to get married, try to get a family girl who is not touched and has not seen a man's face aside from you. And then she loves you like you and does not recognise anyone. If you are going to marry, marry a lower degree, you do not get close to your parents, and then you will be her captive." These reasons explain why among all Turkic people,
way of marriage is considered a merit. Now that the Uyghur people take a keen look at marriage, choosing spouses and forming families, they pick the wife based on morality (Wufuer 2019, p. 173). This essay, therefore, describes the marriage customs and the wedding processes in their marriage.
The Traditional Customs
they are strictly monogamous and must undergo a fixed ritual before having the women of their lives. Courtship starts with what is termed as a marriage interview, which is a significant step if a man hopes to marry a lady or if the family wants to organise a marriage for their son. Before an interview,
the potential groom must be familiar with everything about his lady's background, which entails her age, physical appearance and family. As indicated earlier, the Uyghur men pick their ladies based on morality. This process is by choosing a clean lady, and thus, she takes care of her family the way she has been brought up.
When young persons entered a specific age of marriage, they frequently became a discussion topic in Uyghur homes. The traditional Uyghur marriage is done by "selecting a wife, asking for a girl (before the wedding), and preparing ceremony for the wedding" (Wufuer 2019, p. 174). However, the two critical stages of the marriage ceremony are the Nikah ceremony and the wedding ceremony.
For the Uyghur people, marriages in the first and second generations are endogamous (Wufuer 2019, p. 174). Notably, marrying non-Uyghurs and particularly women is not tolerated (Abramson 2012, p. 1070). However, due to social policy procedures, forced marriages and assimilation has come around, and the Uyghur people are now willing to marry other people from other nations.
However, in the third generation marriages, the number of exogenous weddings is growing at a fast rate. The Uyghur people seem to pick their spouses by adhering and respecting what their families wish. In Uighurs, there exists a proverb that is used mostly in the process of picking a spouse. "Ata razi, huda razi" (Wufuer 2019, p. 174).
选择一个妻子
对于维吾尔族人来说，第一代和第二代的婚姻是内婚的（Wufuer 2019，第174页）。 值得注意的是，不容忍与非维吾尔族特别是女性结婚（Abramson 2012，第1070页）。 但是，由于社会政策程序的原因，强迫婚姻和同化相伴而生，维吾尔族人现在愿意与其他国家的人结婚。
但是，在第三代婚姻中，外来婚礼的数量正在快速增长。 维吾尔族人民似乎是通过遵守和尊重家人的意愿来挑选配偶的。 在维吾尔族人中，有一个谚语，主要用于选配配偶的过程中。 “ Ata razi，huda razi”（Wufuer 2019，第174页）。
then "God is pleased with you." In a man's choices, it is not allowed to pick those spouses who do not support the ancient culture and those who oppose Islam. Put differently; every young man must side with ethnic origin and religion when deciding who to marry.
Belonging to a similar ethnic group and sharing a religion is of great significance among the Uyghur people. In the southern part of the Uighur region, Uyghur people do not wish to get into marriages with the Uyghur people in the northern side. This refusal is not because they loathe them, but because they do not wish their daughters to go far away.
The stage of selecting a wife entails getting a matchmaker to function on behalf of their son, to discuss marriage issues with the lady's family (Abudouriyimu and Tuxunayi 2018, p. 1043). Having a matchmaker operate on behalf of a son has been an ancient custom with a long history among the Uyghur people. The matchmaker not only recommends the marriage and determines betrothal gifts,
but they also intervene in several aspects of the wedding.
When a man enters the marriage age, the family relays a message to the girl's family. The most significant aspect that the girl will seek from the man's side is that he is from a "noble family of Uighurs." There exists a common phrase in Uighurs "Oghul dadini dorayda, qiz annisini" (Wuefer 2019, p. 175). The phrase means that a man's behaviour is similar to his father's,
and that of the girl is her mother's. The girl's family invite her friends and her close relatives to decide on the man's side. Another saying among Uighur people states that if a man got an earlier wrong impression from those representing the girl, the girl would stay home. She shuts the marriage process and comes up with ideas that make the process hard to be continued.
The most exciting part about the Uyghur marriage is that there is no engagement ceremony. For the Uighurs, the ceremony happens verbally within themselves. It is only the representative (matchmaker) from the man's side who enters the girl's home to discuss the ceremony and marriage dates. The number of toyluq,
which is the amount given to the lady to make the wedding, can be discussed, if one of the parties does not contend, the agreement may be disrupted, and the marriage cancelled. In contemporary society, this phenomenon has emerged as an issue. If the two parties enter an agreement, however, preparations for the wedding are initiated.
The preparation ceremony is broken down into two parts: the "kichik chay and the chog chay." The preparation ceremony is a time of negotiating, and the ceremony involves issuing gifts to both parties. Most significantly, it is the event of giving the toyluq that matters. Negotiations are often controlled by the representatives from the two sides and continued after the preparation ceremony.
Before the "kichik chay" happens, both parties pick a day when the man's mother's friends visit the girl's side. The man's side comes with clothing and meals to the girl's home (Wufuer 2019, p. 175). After the "kichik chay" is done, "chog chay's" date is picked. Depending on the financial position, "chog chay" can be crowded, inviting 50-100 people.
The "chog chay" ceremony is linked to the man's side because everything is catered for by the girl. Wufuer (2019, p. 176) notes that both ceremonies are costly in terms of girls' resources. The "chog chay" is also a significant event that is passed down among the Uighurs. At this stage, the toyluq is presented before the guests with both families asked to couplet (Xue-hong, 2009).
婚礼准备仪式
准备仪式分为两个部分：“奇奇查伊”和“乔奇查伊”。准备仪式是进行谈判的时间，仪式涉及向双方发放礼物。最重要的是，重要的是给予玩具。谈判通常由双方代表控制，并在准备仪式后继续进行。
在“奇奇查奇”发生之前，双方都选择了一天，当男人的母亲的朋友拜访女孩的身边时。男人的一面带着衣服和饭食到女孩的家中（Wufuer 2019，第175页）。完成“ kichik chay”之后，将选择“ chog chay's”日期。根据财务状况，“杂烩”可能会很拥挤，邀请50-100人。
“ choy chay”仪式与男人的身边有关，因为一切都由女孩照顾。 Wufuer（2019，p.176）指出，这两种仪式在女童资源方面都是昂贵的。 “ choy chay”也是一个重要的事件，在维吾尔人中传承了下来。在这个阶段，toyluq呈现在与家人要求对联的客人面前（Xue-hong，2009）。
Today, couplets are rife in the areas of Turfan and Kumul. Xue-hong (2009) highlights that this stage is impressive and makes the wedding ceremony active and beautiful. Presenting of betrothal gifts has been a long-existing marriage custom among the Uyghur people. According to this custom, the man's side should take clothing and meals when they pay a girl's house visit.
They have a saying that betrothal gifts symbolise some respect for the girl and the gratitude to her family for bringing up the daughter (Abuduwaili, 2014).
The "Nikah ceremony" happens at distinct times and in distinct forms depending on the Uighur region's areas. In the southern part of the region, Nikah happens a few days before the wedding event. In some northern areas, it happens in the morning hours of the wedding day. For the Uighurs, Nikah is among the most significant marriage ceremonies and, therefore,
an essential step. Even if the rightful wife has a relationship with the husband, she is not welcomed in the house without a Nikah ceremony. The religious marriage, (Dini Nikah) is done by visiting the lady's house after the morning prayer witnessed by many people. After the ceremony, the bride and groom are given bread dipped in brine.
They believe that whoever eats the bread faster will gain higher family status. The sour bread becomes hard to eat, and it symbolises life after the two have entered into marriage. The bread is bitter and sweet, and it indicates that the couple should share both pain and happiness as a family. After the Nikah ceremony,
all people celebrate with the bride and groom, and it is finished with a meal shared. During this time, the groom gives some money to the bride.
On the wedding date, a wedding event is set on both ends of the wedding hall. Wufuer (2019, p. 178) postulates that they invite their friends and relatives to be happy with them and witness the grand celebration of their life for the couple to get people's blessings. In the Uyghur marriage tradition, friends and relatives' sweet wishes are the greatest gifts for the newlywed couple.
After the Nikah ceremony is done, the bride often heads out for makeup with her female friends on the wedding day. The best man stays with the couple to the end. Wufuer (2019, p. 178) provides that the ladies' party begins at noon and that the man's family begins at five in the evening. Traditionally, the men's side invited their parent's friends for lunch and evening ceremony. Today,
the procedure is shorter because it is the evening wedding alone that is done. In other regions like Atush and Kumul, the ceremony goes on for days. One famous Uighurs author, Otkur, indicates that "in the past, after the agreement between two middle-level families, the groom's family bring some foods for the wedding such as rice, oil, tea and salt" (Inayet 2017, p. 7).
on the first day of the wedding ceremony, the man's visitors are welcomed to the house of the lady (Inayet 2017, p. 7). The man would come with his friends to the wedding. Other men in the lady's area would prevent the man's friends from entering the home by blocking the door with a car wheel. The man's friends had to open the entrance by removing the wheel,
and if they failed, the bride's brothers and friends would laugh at them. Therefore, many men come with the groom on this day, and after the Nikah, they take the wheel and place it on the highest tree. A few days later, the men from the bride's side would take down the wheel (Inayet 2017, p. 8)
Contemporary Uyghur Wedding
根据Otkur
在婚礼的第一天，欢迎男士的访客到女士的家中（Inayet 2017，p。7）。 这个人会和他的朋友一起去参加婚礼。 女士区域中的其他男人会通过用车轮堵住门来阻止男人的朋友进入家中。 该名男子的朋友们不得不卸下轮子来打开入口，
如果他们失败了，新娘的兄弟姐妹和朋友会嘲笑他们。 因此，这一天有很多男人和新郎一起来。尼卡节过后，他们拿起轮子把它放在最高的树上。 几天后，新娘身边的男人会放倒车轮（Inayet 2017，p。8）
当代维吾尔族婚礼
together with the enhancement of the Uyghur people's economic situation, the "toylaq" is increased due to the influence of space and time. Wufuer (2019, p. 179) clarifies that between 1970 to 2000, "toyluq" has been changing in the Uighur's capital city of Urumqi. Today, the "toyluq" has been transformed into gold,
money, and houses. In today's ceremonies, the bride puts on a western white dress in big towns like Urumqi. For instance, in areas with more Uighurs, Kashkar, a western-style bridal veil has some aspects of ancient Uighur. When the bride is ready, she heads to her family's wedding hall to have fun with her friends while waiting for the man to arrive.
and they play music and dance in the hall. The man comes to the hall with his people and musicians. The girls try to close the bride's room, and they want money from the groom.
If the groom does not pay, they do not open the doors. After the men have settled, a little ceremony is held. The man goes to the house of his father-in-law to be, with his friends (Tuna 2006, p. 152). The girl's father welcomes them at the door and takes them in for the ceremony. At this moment, the boy places a shawl around his neck and gives it to a man near him.
After this, the water is brought, and the girl's parents dip some bread in it and present it to the couple. The girl then leaves the father's home and heads for her husband's house. However, in contemporary society, the framework of these procedures has changed. In today's Uighur weddings, the man and his friends go for the lady,
The girl's mother puts on a ring and a red scarf, which is a sign of happiness (Wufuer 2019, p. 180).
Before giving their goodbyes, the bride's father prays for the couple's happiness using two "Nan" baked bread placed on their heads. People in the wedding hall also pray for them and wish them happiness.
They then head to the man's wedding hall together with his friends. The bride-carrying event is different depending on the areas of the Uighur region. In a village context, since the ceremonies happen in the garden, the man takes the girl directly into the house. At this level, the man's friends carry the bride on a carpet and "pass her on a fire" (Wufuer 2019, p. 181).
A unique carpet called "payandas" is put down at the house entrance for the bride to walk over. She then enters the house via a channel called "Aq yolluq," which is made of flour and cotton. However, in the villages, considering the economic situation, wedding ceremonies are mostly happening in the halls. In cities such as Urumqi, these customs have been "diluted."
From a sociology perspective, factors that bring about social change are grouped into two, internal and external factors. Internal factors are forces and tensions that can change to conflict and can be dangerous. Such forces create groups, and social classes is a specific society. External forces are other communities' events,
altering a particular community because of this specific community's incorrect reasons. It is without a doubt that the Uyghur marriage ceremony has changed. But what could be the reasons behind this change? Here are some reasons.
Marriage is the primary organisation and events that present the phenomenon of human reproduction
continuity of the society, and development (Wufuer 2019, p. 173). Put differently, the blending of men and women and the social framework of a specific area is the interaction between ancient culture and morality. Wufuer (2019, p. 173) provides that ancient writing by Yusuf Khas indicated that, "if you want to get married,
be very careful and find a good girl. If you are going to get married, try to get a family girl who is not touched and has not seen a man's face aside from you. And then she loves you like you and does not recognise anyone. If you are going to marry, marry a lower degree, you do not get close to your parents, and then you will be her captive." These reasons explain why among all Turkic people,
way of marriage is considered a merit. Now that the Uyghur people take a keen look at marriage, choosing spouses and forming families, they pick the wife based on morality (Wufuer 2019, p. 173). This essay, therefore, describes the marriage customs and the wedding processes in their marriage.
The Traditional Customs
Even though the Uyghur men were polygamists earlier on 社会学Assignment代写
they are strictly monogamous and must undergo a fixed ritual before having the women of their lives. Courtship starts with what is termed as a marriage interview, which is a significant step if a man hopes to marry a lady or if the family wants to organise a marriage for their son. Before an interview,
the potential groom must be familiar with everything about his lady's background, which entails her age, physical appearance and family. As indicated earlier, the Uyghur men pick their ladies based on morality. This process is by choosing a clean lady, and thus, she takes care of her family the way she has been brought up.
When young persons entered a specific age of marriage, they frequently became a discussion topic in Uyghur homes. The traditional Uyghur marriage is done by "selecting a wife, asking for a girl (before the wedding), and preparing ceremony for the wedding" (Wufuer 2019, p. 174). However, the two critical stages of the marriage ceremony are the Nikah ceremony and the wedding ceremony.
Selecting a Wife
For the Uyghur people, marriages in the first and second generations are endogamous (Wufuer 2019, p. 174). Notably, marrying non-Uyghurs and particularly women is not tolerated (Abramson 2012, p. 1070). However, due to social policy procedures, forced marriages and assimilation has come around, and the Uyghur people are now willing to marry other people from other nations.
However, in the third generation marriages, the number of exogenous weddings is growing at a fast rate. The Uyghur people seem to pick their spouses by adhering and respecting what their families wish. In Uighurs, there exists a proverb that is used mostly in the process of picking a spouse. "Ata razi, huda razi" (Wufuer 2019, p. 174).
选择一个妻子
对于维吾尔族人来说，第一代和第二代的婚姻是内婚的（Wufuer 2019，第174页）。 值得注意的是，不容忍与非维吾尔族特别是女性结婚（Abramson 2012，第1070页）。 但是，由于社会政策程序的原因，强迫婚姻和同化相伴而生，维吾尔族人现在愿意与其他国家的人结婚。
但是，在第三代婚姻中，外来婚礼的数量正在快速增长。 维吾尔族人民似乎是通过遵守和尊重家人的意愿来挑选配偶的。 在维吾尔族人中，有一个谚语，主要用于选配配偶的过程中。 “ Ata razi，huda razi”（Wufuer 2019，第174页）。
The statement means that if the father of the spouse agrees 社会学Assignment代写
then "God is pleased with you." In a man's choices, it is not allowed to pick those spouses who do not support the ancient culture and those who oppose Islam. Put differently; every young man must side with ethnic origin and religion when deciding who to marry.
Belonging to a similar ethnic group and sharing a religion is of great significance among the Uyghur people. In the southern part of the Uighur region, Uyghur people do not wish to get into marriages with the Uyghur people in the northern side. This refusal is not because they loathe them, but because they do not wish their daughters to go far away.
The stage of selecting a wife entails getting a matchmaker to function on behalf of their son, to discuss marriage issues with the lady's family (Abudouriyimu and Tuxunayi 2018, p. 1043). Having a matchmaker operate on behalf of a son has been an ancient custom with a long history among the Uyghur people. The matchmaker not only recommends the marriage and determines betrothal gifts,
but they also intervene in several aspects of the wedding.
Asking For The Girl (Before the Wedding)
When a man enters the marriage age, the family relays a message to the girl's family. The most significant aspect that the girl will seek from the man's side is that he is from a "noble family of Uighurs." There exists a common phrase in Uighurs "Oghul dadini dorayda, qiz annisini" (Wuefer 2019, p. 175). The phrase means that a man's behaviour is similar to his father's,
and that of the girl is her mother's. The girl's family invite her friends and her close relatives to decide on the man's side. Another saying among Uighur people states that if a man got an earlier wrong impression from those representing the girl, the girl would stay home. She shuts the marriage process and comes up with ideas that make the process hard to be continued.
The most exciting part about the Uyghur marriage is that there is no engagement ceremony. For the Uighurs, the ceremony happens verbally within themselves. It is only the representative (matchmaker) from the man's side who enters the girl's home to discuss the ceremony and marriage dates. The number of toyluq,
which is the amount given to the lady to make the wedding, can be discussed, if one of the parties does not contend, the agreement may be disrupted, and the marriage cancelled. In contemporary society, this phenomenon has emerged as an issue. If the two parties enter an agreement, however, preparations for the wedding are initiated.
Preparation Ceremony For The Wedding 社会学Assignment代写
The preparation ceremony is broken down into two parts: the "kichik chay and the chog chay." The preparation ceremony is a time of negotiating, and the ceremony involves issuing gifts to both parties. Most significantly, it is the event of giving the toyluq that matters. Negotiations are often controlled by the representatives from the two sides and continued after the preparation ceremony.
Before the "kichik chay" happens, both parties pick a day when the man's mother's friends visit the girl's side. The man's side comes with clothing and meals to the girl's home (Wufuer 2019, p. 175). After the "kichik chay" is done, "chog chay's" date is picked. Depending on the financial position, "chog chay" can be crowded, inviting 50-100 people.
The "chog chay" ceremony is linked to the man's side because everything is catered for by the girl. Wufuer (2019, p. 176) notes that both ceremonies are costly in terms of girls' resources. The "chog chay" is also a significant event that is passed down among the Uighurs. At this stage, the toyluq is presented before the guests with both families asked to couplet (Xue-hong, 2009).
婚礼准备仪式
准备仪式分为两个部分：“奇奇查伊”和“乔奇查伊”。准备仪式是进行谈判的时间，仪式涉及向双方发放礼物。最重要的是，重要的是给予玩具。谈判通常由双方代表控制，并在准备仪式后继续进行。
在“奇奇查奇”发生之前，双方都选择了一天，当男人的母亲的朋友拜访女孩的身边时。男人的一面带着衣服和饭食到女孩的家中（Wufuer 2019，第175页）。完成“ kichik chay”之后，将选择“ chog chay's”日期。根据财务状况，“杂烩”可能会很拥挤，邀请50-100人。
“ choy chay”仪式与男人的身边有关，因为一切都由女孩照顾。 Wufuer（2019，p.176）指出，这两种仪式在女童资源方面都是昂贵的。 “ choy chay”也是一个重要的事件，在维吾尔人中传承了下来。在这个阶段，toyluq呈现在与家人要求对联的客人面前（Xue-hong，2009）。
In some regions, these ceremonies are prepared on the wedding day.
Today, couplets are rife in the areas of Turfan and Kumul. Xue-hong (2009) highlights that this stage is impressive and makes the wedding ceremony active and beautiful. Presenting of betrothal gifts has been a long-existing marriage custom among the Uyghur people. According to this custom, the man's side should take clothing and meals when they pay a girl's house visit.
They have a saying that betrothal gifts symbolise some respect for the girl and the gratitude to her family for bringing up the daughter (Abuduwaili, 2014).
The Nikah Ceremony 社会学Assignment代写
The "Nikah ceremony" happens at distinct times and in distinct forms depending on the Uighur region's areas. In the southern part of the region, Nikah happens a few days before the wedding event. In some northern areas, it happens in the morning hours of the wedding day. For the Uighurs, Nikah is among the most significant marriage ceremonies and, therefore,
an essential step. Even if the rightful wife has a relationship with the husband, she is not welcomed in the house without a Nikah ceremony. The religious marriage, (Dini Nikah) is done by visiting the lady's house after the morning prayer witnessed by many people. After the ceremony, the bride and groom are given bread dipped in brine.
They believe that whoever eats the bread faster will gain higher family status. The sour bread becomes hard to eat, and it symbolises life after the two have entered into marriage. The bread is bitter and sweet, and it indicates that the couple should share both pain and happiness as a family. After the Nikah ceremony,
all people celebrate with the bride and groom, and it is finished with a meal shared. During this time, the groom gives some money to the bride.
The Wedding Ceremony
On the wedding date, a wedding event is set on both ends of the wedding hall. Wufuer (2019, p. 178) postulates that they invite their friends and relatives to be happy with them and witness the grand celebration of their life for the couple to get people's blessings. In the Uyghur marriage tradition, friends and relatives' sweet wishes are the greatest gifts for the newlywed couple.
After the Nikah ceremony is done, the bride often heads out for makeup with her female friends on the wedding day. The best man stays with the couple to the end. Wufuer (2019, p. 178) provides that the ladies' party begins at noon and that the man's family begins at five in the evening. Traditionally, the men's side invited their parent's friends for lunch and evening ceremony. Today,
the procedure is shorter because it is the evening wedding alone that is done. In other regions like Atush and Kumul, the ceremony goes on for days. One famous Uighurs author, Otkur, indicates that "in the past, after the agreement between two middle-level families, the groom's family bring some foods for the wedding such as rice, oil, tea and salt" (Inayet 2017, p. 7).
According to Otkur, 社会学Assignment代写
on the first day of the wedding ceremony, the man's visitors are welcomed to the house of the lady (Inayet 2017, p. 7). The man would come with his friends to the wedding. Other men in the lady's area would prevent the man's friends from entering the home by blocking the door with a car wheel. The man's friends had to open the entrance by removing the wheel,
and if they failed, the bride's brothers and friends would laugh at them. Therefore, many men come with the groom on this day, and after the Nikah, they take the wheel and place it on the highest tree. A few days later, the men from the bride's side would take down the wheel (Inayet 2017, p. 8)
Contemporary Uyghur Wedding
根据Otkur
在婚礼的第一天，欢迎男士的访客到女士的家中（Inayet 2017，p。7）。 这个人会和他的朋友一起去参加婚礼。 女士区域中的其他男人会通过用车轮堵住门来阻止男人的朋友进入家中。 该名男子的朋友们不得不卸下轮子来打开入口，
如果他们失败了，新娘的兄弟姐妹和朋友会嘲笑他们。 因此，这一天有很多男人和新郎一起来。尼卡节过后，他们拿起轮子把它放在最高的树上。 几天后，新娘身边的男人会放倒车轮（Inayet 2017，p。8）
当代维吾尔族婚礼
In the modern-day Uighur wedding events,
together with the enhancement of the Uyghur people's economic situation, the "toylaq" is increased due to the influence of space and time. Wufuer (2019, p. 179) clarifies that between 1970 to 2000, "toyluq" has been changing in the Uighur's capital city of Urumqi. Today, the "toyluq" has been transformed into gold,
money, and houses. In today's ceremonies, the bride puts on a western white dress in big towns like Urumqi. For instance, in areas with more Uighurs, Kashkar, a western-style bridal veil has some aspects of ancient Uighur. When the bride is ready, she heads to her family's wedding hall to have fun with her friends while waiting for the man to arrive.
The tables are filled with food
and they play music and dance in the hall. The man comes to the hall with his people and musicians. The girls try to close the bride's room, and they want money from the groom.
If the groom does not pay, they do not open the doors. After the men have settled, a little ceremony is held. The man goes to the house of his father-in-law to be, with his friends (Tuna 2006, p. 152). The girl's father welcomes them at the door and takes them in for the ceremony. At this moment, the boy places a shawl around his neck and gives it to a man near him.
After this, the water is brought, and the girl's parents dip some bread in it and present it to the couple. The girl then leaves the father's home and heads for her husband's house. However, in contemporary society, the framework of these procedures has changed. In today's Uighur weddings, the man and his friends go for the lady,
everyone heads down to the girl's family. 社会学Assignment代写
The girl's mother puts on a ring and a red scarf, which is a sign of happiness (Wufuer 2019, p. 180).
Before giving their goodbyes, the bride's father prays for the couple's happiness using two "Nan" baked bread placed on their heads. People in the wedding hall also pray for them and wish them happiness.
They then head to the man's wedding hall together with his friends. The bride-carrying event is different depending on the areas of the Uighur region. In a village context, since the ceremonies happen in the garden, the man takes the girl directly into the house. At this level, the man's friends carry the bride on a carpet and "pass her on a fire" (Wufuer 2019, p. 181).
A unique carpet called "payandas" is put down at the house entrance for the bride to walk over. She then enters the house via a channel called "Aq yolluq," which is made of flour and cotton. However, in the villages, considering the economic situation, wedding ceremonies are mostly happening in the halls. In cities such as Urumqi, these customs have been "diluted."
Why the Uyghur Wedding has Changed
From a sociology perspective, factors that bring about social change are grouped into two, internal and external factors. Internal factors are forces and tensions that can change to conflict and can be dangerous. Such forces create groups, and social classes is a specific society. External forces are other communities' events,
altering a particular community because of this specific community's incorrect reasons. It is without a doubt that the Uyghur marriage ceremony has changed. But what could be the reasons behind this change? Here are some reasons.
为什么维吾尔族的婚礼改变了
从社会学的角度来看，导致社会变革的因素分为内部因素和外部因素两个部分。 内部因素是力量和紧张局势，它们可能会演变成冲突，并且可能构成危险。 这些力量创造了群体，社会阶级是一个特定的社会。 外力是其他社区的事件， 由于该特定社区的错误原因而更改了特定社区。 毫无疑问，维吾尔族的结婚仪式已经改变。 但是，这种变化背后的原因可能是什么？ 这里有一些原因。
Initially, due to the poor economic situation of the Uyghur people, they lacked any other expectations apart from life. During these times, the "toyluq" conflicts between two families could no
t be a problem. Now that everyone's economic status was the same and almost lacks difference, parents from both sides would demand "toyluq" based on the other party's status. The contagion theory describes the crowd as characterised by a "mob mentality" that takes over an individual.
The social framework has significantly affected people's thoughts at a fast rate and was also impacted by several folk customs that had different wedding ceremonies. In globalisation, modern Uighurs was proportionately influenced by western culture (Wufuer 2019, p. 184).
ramatically relies on the changes in society's technological levels and its means of economic production. Such changes have repercussions on other social life elements such as stratification frameworks, organisation of power, and structures of the family (Hughes et al. 2005, p. 534). The economy is generally a significant component of material life.
The economy is poised to alter based on the people's needs for a quality life. The Uighur region's economy quickly developed, and the significant change steadily impacted the need for material life of the Uighurs. Be it in marriage or the payment of the "toyluq," the economy has stood out as one of the crucial aspects that influence the success or failure of a marriage.
Wufuer (2019, p. 184) posits that with the growth of the society, under the mantle of the economic aspect, there has been morphology in the prices of "toyluq." Wufuer surmises that society's contempt is high, and they raise their worth with money.
Modernisation describes the procedure of transitioning from a community's ancient or pre-industrial economic and social systems to industrial societies' attributes (Hughes et al. 2005, p. 534). The eastern side of Asia, China included, is a perfect example of the modernisation process. In this context,
the Uighur marriage transformed. For instance, young people now have embraced having weddings on their birthdays. With the fast spread of internet applications, for instance, WeChat, these ceremonies spread at a quicker rate in public.
As a society, there is a long history of the Uighurs and an extensive tradition of customs they strictly abide by. The need to search for material life, commensurated with society's growth, is evident in marriage. Many of the practices were simplified in their weddings, and specific directions guided the tradition of marriage.
The wedding ceremony is among the significant factors in a marriage. The wedding ceremony is a social framework that entails religious aspects, economic status, demographic traditions, ethics, and new cultures' adoption. However, the Uyghur people's social structure is impacted by space and time, as well as the modernisation and growth of the Uighurs.
They begin to exist and make social adjustments by copying the developing nations. During this time, they lose their identity and embrace some wedding culture from the western countries and start to live in the West's style. From the discussed Uighur wedding traditions, the change in the contemporary wedding customs, the improvement of the economic status,
and the rise of the "toyluq" are a significant issue that the Uighur people face.
结论
作为一个社会，维吾尔族历史悠久，他们严格遵守维吾尔族的广泛习俗。在婚姻中显然需要寻找与社会发展相称的物质生活。他们的婚礼简化了许多习俗，并且特定的方向指导了婚姻的传统。
婚礼是婚姻的重要因素之一。婚礼是一个社会框架，涉及宗教，经济状况，人口传统，道德和新文化的采用。但是，维吾尔人的社会结构受到时空，维吾尔人的现代化和成长的影响。
它们开始存在，并通过复制发展中国家来进行社会调整。在这段时间里，他们失去了身份，接受了西方国家的一些婚礼文化，开始以西方的风格生活。从所讨论的维吾尔族婚礼传统，当代婚礼习俗的变化，经济状况的改善，
维吾尔族人民面临的重大问题和“ toyluq”的兴起。
金融学代写
Abramson, K., 2012. Gender, Uyghur Identity, and the Story of Nuzugum. The Journal of Asian Studies, 71(4), pp.1069-1091.
Abudouriyimu, R. and Tuxunayi, A., 2018, November. Study on Wedding Customs in Uygur Folk Dastan. In International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Ecological Studies (CESSES 2018). Atlantis Press.
Abuduwaili·Keremu(2014, June). Uygur Folk Dastan. Guangming Daily Press
Hughes, M.D., Kroehler, C.J. and Vander Zanden, J.W., 2005. Sociology: the core (p. 534). New York: McGraw-Hill.
İNAYET, A., ON THE ITEMS RELATED TO ORGANISATION AND TRADITIONS IN THE NOVEL "İZ". International Journal of Uyghur Studies, (10), pp.1-13.
Tuna, ST, 2006. Seating and red belt tying tradition at weddings in the Turkish world. Ahmet Yesevi University Bilig Journal, (38), pp. 149-160.
WUFUER, M., On Uighur Wedding Traditions and Change (Uygur Düğün Gelenekleri ve Değişimi Üzerine). Sosyal ve Kültürel Araştırmalar Dergisi (SKAD), 5(9), pp.169-191.
Xue-hong, F.E.N.G., 2009. On Uighur Marriage [J]. Journal of Guizhou University (Social Sciences), 5.
Social Factors 社会学Assignment代写
Initially, due to the poor economic situation of the Uyghur people, they lacked any other expectations apart from life. During these times, the "toyluq" conflicts between two families could no
t be a problem. Now that everyone's economic status was the same and almost lacks difference, parents from both sides would demand "toyluq" based on the other party's status. The contagion theory describes the crowd as characterised by a "mob mentality" that takes over an individual.
The social framework has significantly affected people's thoughts at a fast rate and was also impacted by several folk customs that had different wedding ceremonies. In globalisation, modern Uighurs was proportionately influenced by western culture (Wufuer 2019, p. 184).
Economic Factors
ramatically relies on the changes in society's technological levels and its means of economic production. Such changes have repercussions on other social life elements such as stratification frameworks, organisation of power, and structures of the family (Hughes et al. 2005, p. 534). The economy is generally a significant component of material life.
The economy is poised to alter based on the people's needs for a quality life. The Uighur region's economy quickly developed, and the significant change steadily impacted the need for material life of the Uighurs. Be it in marriage or the payment of the "toyluq," the economy has stood out as one of the crucial aspects that influence the success or failure of a marriage.
Wufuer (2019, p. 184) posits that with the growth of the society, under the mantle of the economic aspect, there has been morphology in the prices of "toyluq." Wufuer surmises that society's contempt is high, and they raise their worth with money.
Modernisation
Modernisation describes the procedure of transitioning from a community's ancient or pre-industrial economic and social systems to industrial societies' attributes (Hughes et al. 2005, p. 534). The eastern side of Asia, China included, is a perfect example of the modernisation process. In this context,
the Uighur marriage transformed. For instance, young people now have embraced having weddings on their birthdays. With the fast spread of internet applications, for instance, WeChat, these ceremonies spread at a quicker rate in public.
Conclusion 社会学Assignment代写
As a society, there is a long history of the Uighurs and an extensive tradition of customs they strictly abide by. The need to search for material life, commensurated with society's growth, is evident in marriage. Many of the practices were simplified in their weddings, and specific directions guided the tradition of marriage.
The wedding ceremony is among the significant factors in a marriage. The wedding ceremony is a social framework that entails religious aspects, economic status, demographic traditions, ethics, and new cultures' adoption. However, the Uyghur people's social structure is impacted by space and time, as well as the modernisation and growth of the Uighurs.
They begin to exist and make social adjustments by copying the developing nations. During this time, they lose their identity and embrace some wedding culture from the western countries and start to live in the West's style. From the discussed Uighur wedding traditions, the change in the contemporary wedding customs, the improvement of the economic status,
and the rise of the "toyluq" are a significant issue that the Uighur people face.
结论
作为一个社会，维吾尔族历史悠久，他们严格遵守维吾尔族的广泛习俗。在婚姻中显然需要寻找与社会发展相称的物质生活。他们的婚礼简化了许多习俗，并且特定的方向指导了婚姻的传统。
婚礼是婚姻的重要因素之一。婚礼是一个社会框架，涉及宗教，经济状况，人口传统，道德和新文化的采用。但是，维吾尔人的社会结构受到时空，维吾尔人的现代化和成长的影响。
它们开始存在，并通过复制发展中国家来进行社会调整。在这段时间里，他们失去了身份，接受了西方国家的一些婚礼文化，开始以西方的风格生活。从所讨论的维吾尔族婚礼传统，当代婚礼习俗的变化，经济状况的改善，
维吾尔族人民面临的重大问题和“ toyluq”的兴起。
金融学代写
References
Abramson, K., 2012. Gender, Uyghur Identity, and the Story of Nuzugum. The Journal of Asian Studies, 71(4), pp.1069-1091.
Abudouriyimu, R. and Tuxunayi, A., 2018, November. Study on Wedding Customs in Uygur Folk Dastan. In International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Ecological Studies (CESSES 2018). Atlantis Press.
Abuduwaili·Keremu(2014, June). Uygur Folk Dastan. Guangming Daily Press
Hughes, M.D., Kroehler, C.J. and Vander Zanden, J.W., 2005. Sociology: the core (p. 534). New York: McGraw-Hill.
İNAYET, A., ON THE ITEMS RELATED TO ORGANISATION AND TRADITIONS IN THE NOVEL "İZ". International Journal of Uyghur Studies, (10), pp.1-13.
Tuna, ST, 2006. Seating and red belt tying tradition at weddings in the Turkish world. Ahmet Yesevi University Bilig Journal, (38), pp. 149-160.
WUFUER, M., On Uighur Wedding Traditions and Change (Uygur Düğün Gelenekleri ve Değişimi Üzerine). Sosyal ve Kültürel Araştırmalar Dergisi (SKAD), 5(9), pp.169-191.
Xue-hong, F.E.N.G., 2009. On Uighur Marriage [J]. Journal of Guizhou University (Social Sciences), 5.
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